Donald Day - Onward Christian soldiers

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[center]Donald Day
[large]Onward Christian soldiers[/large]

I feel that in fighting the Jewish-Bolshevik regime of Russia that Germany is performing a service for Western civilization which will be properly appreciated and recognized in the future.

[justify]Donald Day was correspondent for Colonel McCormick?s Chicago Tribune in northern Europe for over 22 years. In 1920 he was invited to visit Russia by the Soviet representative in New York. But when he arrived in Riga the communist government refused to grant him a visa to enter Russia. He applied and waited for this visa for more than 20 years, until July 1940, when the Soviets annexed Latvia and gave him 24 hours to leave the country. In the meantime, the Kremlin was crawling with American correspondents who, unlike Donald Day, were quite willing to cast aside any integrity for the chance to laud the ?great Soviet experiment? in accord with the dictates of the Ministry of Propaganda.

Day was the only American correspondent in Europe to be stationed north of Berlin. During these years he covered news developments in Poland, Danzig, Lithuania, Latvia, Estonia and Finland, visiting each of these countries several times a year. He also made a number of trips to Sweden and Norway for The Tribune.

In the United States Donald Day was considered an authority on Bolshevism and on northern Europe. Up until the time he began to be censored by his own publisher and eventually fired at the persistent urging of the U.S. State Department, his dispatches were published under his own name in The Chicago Tribune, the New York Daily News and in 80 other large American newspapers which subscribed to The Tribune's foreign news service. But when events began to develop in Europe that signalled the coming of war, the truth became the first casualty and Donald Day was cut off as the eyes and ears of millions of his American readers.

His book?appearing at a time when so many of us have been heavily influenced in one way or another by war propaganda?throws a considerable amount of fresh light on some old problems and recurring media deceptions.

Donald Day cast aside lucrative salaries, guaranteed pensions and the prospects of limelight prestige for a chance to observe, verify and report on the facts. This book contains some of his travels and adventures and also some first-hand observations of the countries and peoples he confronted in a long and interesting career.


[center]Donald Day - Onward Christian soldiers.pdf ... n-soldiers

[justify]Truth or myth, which is met more often in our media today? It is difficult, if not impossible, to state definitively. Although both stem from a common root-freedom of the press-the differences vary from honest mistakes to deliberate or unwitting falsifications with the result the end product is more often fiction than information.
Freedom of the press is regarded as the palladium of democracy, vital to the pursuit of happiness, the quest for liberty, the need for justice, the advancement of education and the growth of affluence, with a leavening of fair play for all. Yet, totalitarian powers claim the encouraging watering of a truly free press makes their claimed paradises bloom; although state power no matter how seductively described in the Lorelei songs of a controlled press leads inevitably to ruthless physical power.
It is most difficult at anytime for any reporter to winnow truth from falsehood, wishful thinking, selfish representation and calculated deceit in his eternal search for misfeasance and malfeasance in and out of power politics. Lately, the reading public has been exhibiting more and more distrust of those in control of the arteries of information, so much so that many think freedom of the press may be in danger of death from swallowing its own lies.
Perhaps much of this is due to the fact that too many newsmen today are confident they know the sociological import of a story before they leave the office and do not bother with searching for facts. Or because newsmen are committed to a political direction, so that they believe themselves to be the possessors of a magical touchstone by which they can measure any facts. Or because wherever they may land in a troubled world, they have pre-established in their own minds just who are the good guys and who are the bad guys, so that they become instant experts without concern about mores or motivations. And also because many news gatherers of today delude themselves that it isn't the story so much as the way they write it or mouth it that is important. Many delude themselves that they are writing literature, something like Shakespeare or that they are thundering lines of blank verse something like Sir Henry Irving. Needless to say, they are not.
This conflict between society and the media, which wields massive power over minds without responsibility, is not new. It is an old story and one especially evident in the reporting of news from Soviet Russia from the reporting of the Bolshevik revolution in 1917, through wars hot and cold, to the dark and bloody ground of today.
All this is by way of prelude to Donald Day, a newsman, who was a prophet without honor to many in his own country because he strove to tell the truth when others in his arena of Eastern Europe were myth making. Not only was he without honor in much of his own country, especially the intellectual community, but he was hardly welcome in other lands, influenced by the long propaganda arm of the Kremlin, which had branded him in its black book offoreign correspondents as "highly · unreliable.'' This opinion was shared by many of his reportorial peers in America. I am one of few living men who knew him. He had my respect and admiration when he was working and this has grown since his death. One of his fellow correspondents, Walter Duranty of The New York Times was widely regarded as the sage of Moscow and the most informed man on the Communist experiment, so much so that the National Geographic Society aceepted without question his statement that the Reds had constructed a second railroad line, parallel to the Trans Siberian railroad, and sketched it in on their maps until time proved it a myth. Duranty wrote his own story under the title, I Write As I Please, but some thought it should have been entitled, "I Write To Please The Kremlin Censors." Duranty's book is all but forgotten, while this book of Day's lives again.
Day came from a newspaper family so that the older traditions of the craft were instilled in him from the cradle. He was born in Brooklyn Heights, NY, in 1896, the second of five children, three boys and two girls. His parents were John I. Day and Grace Satterlee, the father being racing editor of the New York Morning Telegraph. The fourth child of this marriage of a Congregationalist father and an Episcopalian mother was the late Dorothy Day, the Catholic convert and activist, who founded the New York newspaper, The Catholic Worker, and St. Joseph's House of Hospitality for the unfortunate. A younger brother, John, was a newsman with the Hearst organization in New York.
The family came west before World War I when the father took an editorship with the long defunct, Chicago lnterocean. Donald and Dorothy attended Robert Waller high school. Dorothy graduated at the age of 16 and won a scholarship to the University of Illinois, where she became a member of the Socialist party and still later, in California, of the Communist party, being one of the pioneers of that movement in this country.
In 1927, a half dozen years after Donald began exposing the chinks in the Communist proletarian program, Dorothy became a convert to Catholicism and began blending the teachings of the man of poverty, St. Francis of Assisi, with the call of Karl Marx to workers to rise and strike off their chains. How much her decision to abandon Communism was due to Donald may never be known. Dorothy's followers who regard her as a candidate for canonization, hold the discovery of the evils of the system was her own and Donald is not here to speak for himself.
On leaving high school, Donald, with the help of his father, became a reporter for the Chicago City News Bureau, a press service financed by the various Chicago newspapers, It is said he joined the staff of The Chicago Tribune to cover labor about the same time as the dashing and flamboyant Floyd Gibbons, one of the more famous correspondents of World War I. About the time America entered the war, Donald had returned to New York, where he served as sporting editor of The Morning Telegraph. He enlisted in naval aviation on Friday 13th, August, 1917, which did not prove an unlucky date for him as he survived two training plane crashes.
After the war he joined The New York World as labor editor. In 1921 he was invited to visit Russia by Ludwig Martens the unofficial Kremlin envoy in this country which then did not have diplomatic relations with Moscow. Martens had been asked to leave this country. Day accompanied Martens and his party to Riga, Latvia, where he sought a visa to Russia as the representative of an American news agency. When the visa failed to arrive the news agency disclaimed Day and stranded him in Riga. Day got in touch with Gibbons then director of The Tribune's European staff and was hired to report from Eastern Europe and to continue his attempt to get a Russian visa which had been promised by Martens but denied by Moscow.
From his Riga listening post, Day sent the fttst stories of the Russian famine. He was tireless in interviewing those fleeing Russia and got the first reports of life in the boasted Red Eden. He was the first to interview Americans who were released from Soviet prisons at the instigation of the American government on the recommendation of Herbert Hoover who headed a relief program which not only saved millions of Russian lives but doubtless saved the Bolshevik regime itself.
In his work Day had some of the glamor of the Richard Harding Davis era of foreign correspondence. He worked with Lithuanian irregulars in the seizure of the Memel territory in 1923. He was there when Estonian Communists undertook their bloody attempt to overthrow the Government. He was the confidant and advisor of many figures in the new governments of his area. For 21 years he was on hand in Latvia, Estonia, Lithuania, Poland and Finland. He covered both Finnish-Russian wars; that for liberation in 1917 and that which was a prelude to World War II. He sent many graphic accounts of warfare in sub-zero weather.
Through 21 years Day sought regularly to get the once promised visa. Almost as regularly he was approached by Red agents, who told him he would get the visa if only he would write favorable articles for some months, and if he would agree to report on the activities of governments with which he was familiar.

This Day would not do. He considered the invitation one to join the Soviet espionage apparatus. His dispatches were giving his readers a picture of life in the new republics, all of which had won independence through bitter and even bloody struggles with Russia. These countries had established themselves, not by grants of aid from the outside but by their own efforts. These countries allowed Day to write without censorship, while in Russia correspondents were required not only to submit to censorship but to report to the foreign office every three months for consideration ofthe extention of their visas. If they displeased the Soviets, their visas were withdrawn. For this reason, The Tribune elected to withdraw George Seldes, its Soviet-ingratiating correspondent from Moscow and leave the coverage of Russia to Day in Riga.
By the test of time Day's dispatches stand out as not only more truthful but more informative than those of his Moscow contemporaries. During his stay in Riga, Day married. Donald's father had attempted to disuade his son from following in his footsteps, warning him he would never get rich in the newpaper trade and advising him to marry a rich widow, since his boy was a handsome and attractive fellow. On his marriage, Day cabled his father: "Dear Dad: Have followed your advice. Have married a widow, but she isn't rich."
Under the shadow of World War ll, Day encountered trouble in Pol~nd for the dispatches he was turning out. Polish newspapers in America complained to PAT, the government owned news agency, that it seldom covered the important stories Day was sending his paper. The nervous government's answer on the eve of war was to bar Day from his annual visits to the country without giving any explanation.
In 1940, just before its takeover, Moscow succeeded in dominating the Latvian government. One of the first acts of the new regime was to order Day out of the country at full cabinet meeting. It was more of an escape than an expulsion for Day, because he was aware that he and his wife might be detained at a moment's notice. They dodged Red tanks and infantry as they made their way to Tilsit, on the German border, along the road Czaritza Catherine built from Riga. They ended up in Finland. When Finland allied itself with Nazi Germany in the summer of 1942, Day moved to Stockholm. In August of that year Michael McDermot, then information officer for the State department, called me in to The Tribune's Washington Bureau to say the department had information from Stockholm that Day was about to defect to Germany and suggested that The Tribune recall Day for consultation to thwart such a move. A visitor's visa was made available to Mrs. Day.
On August 25, 1942 The Tribune cabled Day to return at the earliest possible moment. When no answer was received, several similar messages followed. Subsequently I learned from Day that he had no intention then of defecting to Germany but felt subjected to harrassment by the department. On September 1, he wired from Helsinki asking for leave without pay or that he be placed on pension, saying he had applied to enlist in the Finnish army.

Evidently in cooperation with the American embassy in Stockholm, the Swedish government notified Day his passport had lapsed. He was then a man without a country as far as the United States was concerned. He did tum up in Germany a year later, where he became a commentator on the Nazi propaganda radio, but he confined himself to praising Finnish athletes and lauding the bravery of Finn troops in their war with Russia. At the end of the war, when the Justice department examined Day's scripts, no treason could be found, such as marked the broadcasts of Americans who aligned themselves with Nazis in Germany and Fascists in Italy. While he was in Germany, Day continued his self-declared war against Communism even under American detention. He was released by the American government after careful combing of his broadcasts revealed no taint of treason. Day returned to Finland with his wife.
Two years before his death in Helsinki, September 30, 1966, of a heart attack, Day called my attention to a story he had uncovered in a German counter-intelligence camp.
He was given the story by Andreas Hofer, former Nazi gauleiter for southern Tyrol. Hofer was a direct decendant of the Austrian peasant leader of the same name, who led the abortive Tyrolean revolt against the French under Napoleon in 1810 and was executed. In 1943 Andreas told Day he saw that Germany could not win the war and concluded that the only thing that could save Germany and Europe from the Communist menace was a negotiated peace. He suggested the German general staff concentrate all western war prisoners in some valleys of upper Bavaria, which would have deterred allied bombardment of that region. The area was to be strongly fortified, under the plan, and held as a last ditch defense to force a negotiated peace.
The German high command rejected the plan at the time it was put forward, but in 1944 Hofer was called upon to prepare the plan, which he did. Somewhere along the line, Hofer reported, his plan was turned over to a Russian spy, and the Russian high command altered the plan to make it appear that the Bavarian fortress was already completed, which alteration deceived military leaders in Washington and London when the Russians turned it over. Hofer was induced to tell his story to Rodney C. Minott, an American historian, who wrote a book on the information, entitled: Tlte Fortress That Never Was.
"Gen. George Patton, whose reconnaisance planes had repeatedly scanned the area without dscovering any signs of fortification," Hofer said, "knew the American general staff had been deceived. He thought the next best thing to capturing Berlin would be to take Prague. He pressed on through upper Bavaria and reached the suburbs of Prague before he was ordered to halt his advance and retire to upper Bavaria. "This clever use of espionage by the Russians enabled them to divert the most powerful striking force of the American invasion army on a false tangent, enabling the Russians to reach Berlin first. This resulted in the loss of Czechoslovakia, the division of Austria and Germany, and the creation of an isolated Berlin.''
At the time of Day's last sreat scoop, I endeavored to interest a Tribune editor into taking Day back, at least as a stringer, as I was advised by mutual Finnish friends that he had fallen upon hard times. This effort failed, to my lasting sorrow, partly because the editor was preoccupied with his own great man image and partly because I was not persuasive enough. I could not sell my belief that The Tribune owed a measure of justice to a sreat reporter and a fine man. So, at this late date, I am privileged to light this candle to his memory.

Walter Trohan
Columbia, Maryland
October 30, 1981[/justify]
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Post by Savoisien »

[justify]Donald Satterlee Day (May 15, 1895 ? October 1, 1966) was an American reporter in northern Europe for the Chicago Tribune in the 1920s and 1930s. As a broadcaster on German radio for several months during World War II, he argued that the United States should support Nazi Germany in its war against the Soviet Union. Following the Allied victory over Germany, he was arrested by U.S. authorities and investigated for treason, but no charges were brought.

Early life

Donald Day was born in Brooklyn, New York, on May 15, 1895, to John and Grace Day, née Satterlee. He had two brothers, Sam and John, and two sisters, Della and Dorothy. He followed his father, who was editor of the New York Morning Telegraph, into journalism, and worked for The Day Book, a tabloid newspaper aimed at the working-class market which campaigned on behalf of labor unions and the right of women to vote.

In 1917 he became a pilot in the United States Navy and when discharged at the end of World War I he returned to New York, working as a sports reporter for The Morning Telegraph. He later became the editor of the New York World.

Reporter in Europe

In 1921, Day was invited by the unofficial Soviet representative in New York, Ludwig Martens, to accompany him on his deportation from the U.S. to the Soviet Union and to report on events there. When he arrived in Riga, Latvia, he received a Soviet visa and an offer from the European Director of the Chicago Tribune, Floyd Gibbons, to be that newspaper?s Northern Europe Correspondent. Day accepted the offer and from August 1921 was the only U.S. reporter in the region. He reported on events in the Baltic States, Finland, and the Soviet Union. His visa for the Soviet Union was withdrawn when he refused to report on the Soviet system in a consistently favorable light. He was unable to comply when faced by the realities of Soviet tyranny and the Communist subversion of Estonia, Latvia, and Lithuania. When he was denied direct access to the Soviet Union, he relied on reports from refugees and correspondents he sent across the border.

His experiences made him a committed anti-Communist, which was reflected in his reports, especially those on the forced collectivization of agriculture in the 1920s and the Soviet famine of 1932?1933. Day's uncompromising reports on the Soviet Union were almost unique at the time, completely unlike those of other Western reporters like Walter Duranty, the Moscow Bureau Chief of the New York Times from 1922 to 1936.

Three months before the United States presidential election of 1936, the Tribune headlined one of his stories, "Moscow orders Reds in U.S. to back Roosevelt". The rival Chicago Times offered $5,000 for proof that the story was true. The reward was never collected.

In March 1939, Polish authorities barred Day from verifying reports of the persecution of the country's ethnic German minority, as he was sympathetic to the German position.

Day was a war correspondent in the Finnish-Soviet Winter War of 1939?40.

When the Soviets invaded Latvia on 17 June 1940 he was given 24 hours to leave the country. He reported from Riga that the invasion was facilitated by the Russian and Jewish minorities in the country: "On June 17 there was a mob at the railway station, waving red rags and screaming in hysterical joy about the arrival of the Russians. The Latvian language could not be heard. The speeches, the shouts, the screams were all in Russian or Yiddish."

Following the annexation of the Baltic States by the Soviets, Day relocated to Sweden to continue reporting as the Tribune's Stockholm correspondent. In 1941, Day accompanied Finnish troops as they advanced into Soviet territory and in September 1942 he quit his post to join the Finnish Army. The Finns rejected his enlistment on account of pressure from the U.S. government. His passport had expired and had not been renewed, so Day then found himself both unemployed and unable to travel freely.

Propaganda for Nazi Germany

As hostilities between Finland and the Soviet Union were drawing to a close, Day was convinced that the West had to be warned of Communist expansion into Eastern Europe behind the advancing Red Army. He relocated in the summer of 1944 to Nazi Germany. He was employed in Berlin as a commentator for the German State Radio (RRG). He was the last American recruited into the RRG's USA Zone. On August 31, 1944, Day began broadcasting from Berlin to American forces in Europe. He continued his broadcasts until April 1945. He was convinced that the Third Reich was the West's only bulwark against Soviet tyranny. His broadcasts denounced President Franklin D. Roosevelt and the United States' alliance with the USSR, and he blamed Jews for Soviet atheistic Communism. Day stated his position without reservation: "I also feel that in fighting the Jewish-Bolshevik regime of Russia that Germany is performing a service for Western civilization which will be properly appreciated and recognized in the future."

Day was included on the Nazi list of those to be detained in 1940 following a successful invasion of Great Britain and the conclusion of the war in Europe on Nazi terms. He was paid $3,000 a month as a broadcaster, putting him among the six highest paid employees on the RRG's payroll.

Arrest and charges of treason

Day was arrested by U.S. occupation forces in Germany in May 1945 and detained, along with Mildred Gillars and Herbert John Burgman, by the Army Counterintelligence Corps at Camp King, Oberursel, until he was conditionally released on December 24, 1946.

Day returned to his wife and home in Bad Tolz, Bavaria.

He was rearrested pending treason charges on January 12, 1949, but the U.S. Department of Justice (DOJ) dropped the case soon after. As Soviet-American tensions mounted following the end of the war, there was no interest in prosecuting Day for his wartime broadcasts that had principally targeted the Soviets. As a DOJ memorandum of December 6, 1946, had noted: "Donald Day was a broadcaster for the Germans during the last eight or nine months of the war. His broadcasts consisted primarily of extremely anti-Russian statements. He made broadcasts both to the United States and to American troops." A memorandum dated January 22, 1947 said that he "sometimes suggested that the United States should not have entered the war and that Germany's cause against Russia was just."

Later life

On his release, Day returned to Finland with his wife, whom he had married in Riga in 1940.

He was reporting for the Tribune as its Baltic correspondent in late 1962 and was still filing copy for that newspaper in September 1966.

He died of a heart attack in Helsinki on October 1, 1966.


Donald Day, Onward Christian Soldiers: Suppressed Reports of a 20-year Chicago Tribune Correspondent in Eastern Europe from 1921, Torrance, CA: Noontide Press, 1982
Donald Day, Onward Christian Soldiers: An American Journalist's Dissident Look at World War II, Torrance, CA: Noontide Press, 2002[/justify]
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